THE TOTAL HYPOCRISY IN CONGRESS EXPOSED BY THE TIKTOK BAN

Biden’s Campaign Will Continue Using The Popular Social Media Site TikTok Even Though The President Supported A Bill He Recently Signed Forcing TikTok’s Parent Company To Sell TikTok.

If ByteDance does not sell TikTok within the required time, TikTok will be banned in America. Biden’s continued use of TikTok to reach the approximately 150 million American TikTok users, is not the only example of hypocrisy from politicians who support the TikTok ban.

The TikTok ban was driven by claims that, because ByteDance is a Chinese company, TikTok is controlled by the Chinese government and, thus. is helping the Chinese government collect data on American citizens. However, the only tie ByteDance has to the Chinese government is via a Chinese government controlled company that owns a small amount of stock in a separate ByteDance operation. Furthermore, ByteDance stores its data in an American facility not accessible by the Chinese government.

Just days before passing the TikTok ban, the same Senate that is so concerned about TikTok’s alleged violations of Americans’ privacy passed the FISA reauthorization bill. This bill not only extended existing authorities for warrantless wiretapping and surveillance, it made it easier for government agencies to spy on American citizens. It did this by requiring anyone with access to a targeted individual’s electronic device to cooperate with intelligence agencies.

Supporters of banning TikTok also cited concerns over the site’s “content moderation” policies. These policies reportedly forbid postings embarrassing to the Chinese government such as some related to the 1989 Tiananmen Square confrontation or the Free Tibet movement.

TikTok, like most social media platforms, engages in content moderation. The TikTok ban was supported by Democrats, including President Biden, who have a history of “encouraging” social media companies to censor Americans from using social media to spread “fake news.”

Fake news is defined as anything that contradicts the Democrat or “woke” agenda, including the truth about covid origins, dangers, and treatments; whether democracy was really threatened on January 6th; and the full story of Hunter Biden’s business dealings.

One major reason behind strong bipartisan support for the TikTok ban is the wish to engage in a cold war with China. ByteDance’s Chinese connection makes it a convenient target to help foster anti-Chinese sentiment. Sadly, the anti-Chinese hysteria is a bipartisan phenomenon and has even infected some politicians who take sensible positions on American intervention in Ukraine.

Another major reason banning TikTok has strong bipartisan support is that the site is being used by many young people to share information on the Israeli government’s action in Gaza. The head of the Anti-Defamation League was actually caught on tape complaining about the “TikTok problem.” This use of TikTok made TikTok a target for the many politicians who think the First Amendment makes an exception for speech critical of Israel.

The silver lining in the TikTok ban is it is waking up more Americans, especially young Americans, to the threat the out-of-control welfare-warfare-surveillance state poses to their liberty and prosperity. This provides a great opportunity to spread the ideas of liberty and grow the liberty movement.

IT IS TERRIFYING THAT THE FEDS ORDERED GOOGLE TO REVEAL SOME YOUTUBE USERS

In Two Court Orders Violating The Constitution, The Federal Government Told Google To Turn Over Information On Anyone Who Viewed Multiple Youtube Videos And Livestreams.

Federal investigators have ordered Google to provide information on all viewers of select YouTube videos, according to multiple court orders. Privacy experts from multiple civil rights groups said they think the orders are unconstitutional because they threaten to turn innocent YouTube viewers into criminal suspects.

In a just-unsealed case from Kentucky, undercover cops sought to identify the individual behind the online moniker “elonmuskwhm,” who they suspect of selling bitcoin for cash, potentially running afoul of money laundering laws and rules around unlicensed money transmitting.

In conversations with the user in early January, undercover agents sent links of YouTube tutorials for mapping via drones and augmented reality software, then asked Google for information on who had viewed the videos, which collectively have been watched over 30,000 times.

The court orders show the government telling Google to provide the names, addresses, telephone numbers and user activity for all Google account users who accessed the YouTube videos between January 1 and January 8, 2023. The government also wanted the IP addresses of non-Google account owners who viewed the videos. The cops argued, “There is reason to believe that these records would be relevant and material to an ongoing criminal investigation, including by providing identification information about the perpetrators.”

No one should fear a knock at the door from police simply because of what the YouTube algorithm serves up.”

The court granted the order and Google was told to keep the request secret until it was unsealed earlier this week, when it was obtained. The court records do not show whether or not Google provided data in the case.

In another example, involving an investigation in New Hampshire, the Portsmouth Police received a threat from an unknown male that an explosive had been placed in a trashcan in a public area. The order says that after the police searched the area, they learned they were being watched over a YouTube live stream camera associated with a local business. Federal investigators believe similar events have happened across America, where bomb threats were made and cops watched via YouTube.

They asked Google to provide a list of accounts that “viewed and/or interacted with” eight YouTube live streams and the associated identifying information during specific timeframes. That included a video posted by Boston and Maine Live, which has 130,000 subscribers. Mike McCormack, who set up the company behind the account, IP Time Lapse, said he knew about the order, adding that they related “to swatting incidents directed at the camera views at that time.”

Again, it’s unclear whether Google provided the data.

“With all law enforcement demands, we have a rigorous process designed to protect the privacy and constitutional rights of our users while supporting the important work of law enforcement,” said Google spokesperson Matt Bryant. “We examine each demand for legal validity, consistent with developing case law, and we routinely push back against overbroad or otherwise inappropriate demands for user data, including objecting to some demands entirely.”

The Justice Department had not responded to requests for comment.

Privacy experts said the orders were unconstitutional because they threatened to undo protections in the 1st and 4th Amendments covering free speech and freedom from unreasonable searches. “This is the latest chapter in a disturbing trend where we see government agencies increasingly transforming search warrants into digital dragnets. It’s unconstitutional, it’s terrifying and it’s happening every day,” said Albert Fox-Cahn, executive director at the Surveillance Technology Oversight Project. “No one should fear a knock at the door from police simply because of what the YouTube algorithm serves up. I’m horrified that the courts are allowing this.”

He said the orders were “just as chilling” as geofence warrants, where Google has been ordered to provide data on all users in the vicinity of a crime. Google announced an update in December that will make it technically impossible for the tech giant to provide information in response to geofence orders. Prior to that, a California court had ruled that a geofence warrant covering several densely-populated areas in Los Angeles was unconstitutional, leading to hopes the courts would stop police seeking the data.

What we watch online can reveal deeply sensitive information about us—our politics, our passions, our religious beliefs, and much more,” said John Davisson, senior counsel at the Electronic Privacy Information Center. “It’s fair to expect that law enforcement won’t have access to that information without probable cause. This order turns that assumption on its head.”

WHY WON’T THEY LEAVE TIKTOK ALONE?

In A Free Country The Government Would Not Force The Sale Of A Social-Media Company Or Ban Its App From The Google And Apple Stores. Would It?

Well, yes, it would, could (perhaps), and might. A bill in Congress, backed by the government’s nominal chief executive, could become law. The House of Representatives passed it last week by an overwhelming bipartisan majority — despite valiant efforts by Rep. Thomas Massie, R-KY, plus a few others — and it is now before the Senate.

That bill would establish fuzzy criteria defining a “foreign adversary’s” alleged influence through a social media platform. It is aimed, for now, at requiring TikTok, used by 170 million mostly younger Americans, to be sold to a government-approved American buyer within a specified period. If not sold, Americans would be forbidden to get the app. One should guess the app would have to be disabled for those who have it already.

In other words, TikTok would be banned from America — you know, just as China’s communist government bans or interferes with social media over there. Knowing how the government works, we must presume that the bill’s criteria will be applied to other cases later. It certainly would exist as a standing threat to the uncooperative.

The complaint against TikTok is that it’s a subsidiary of ByteDance, a widely owned company subject to Chinese government influence or control, although this is disputed by TikTok’s CEO, Shou Zi Chew, a Singaporean businessman with substantial roots in — the United States. But let’s assume the worst and see where that leads. After all, the Chinese government is no respecter of individual rights. If the American government is eager to interfere with social media, why not the Chinese government?

TikTok worriers say that China could harvest data on Americans while feeding them self-serving democracy-subverting messages. It has reportedly been caught suppressing unflattering information. Not good, but of course, the American government has done the same thing; a lawsuit about this, Murthy v. Missouri, is now before the Supreme Court. As many critics of the bill have pointed out, the Chinese don’t need TikTok to acquire information that users readily give up to other platforms. It’s already on the market. Moreover, nobody should expect the news from any one online source to be complete; as one grows, one should learn to consult a variety of sources for a fuller picture.

Matthew Petti of Reason is right: “Competition is the strongest force keeping the internet free. Whenever users find a topic banned on TikTok, they can escape to Twitter or Instagram to discuss the censored content. And when Twitter or Instagram enforce politically motivated censorship on a different topic, users can continue that discussion on TikTok.”

Changing ownership or banishing TikTok would create a false sense of security. The problem of myopia would remain.

Moreover, as Matt Taibbi alerts us, the bill would give the executive branch “sweeping powers.” He writes: “As written, any ‘website, desktop application, mobile application, or augmented or immersive technology application’ that is ‘determined by the President to present a significant threat to the National Security of the United States’ is covered.’”

Taibbi continues: “A ‘foreign adversary controlled application,’ in other words, can be any company founded or run by someone living at the wrong foreign address, or containing a small minority ownership stake. Or it can be any company run by someone ‘subject to the direction’ of either of those entities. Or, it’s anything the president says it is. Vague enough?”

By this time, shouldn’t we expect the worst from letting legislators write the rules?

But those are not the only reasons for concern. According to Glenn Greenwald, the bill had been floating around for a few years but had not garnered enough support to get through Congress. That changed recently, according to Greenwald, citing articles in the Wall Street Journal, Economist, and Bari Weiss’s Free Press. Why? As Greenwald documents, anxiety about TikTok took a quantum leap beginning on Oct. 7th, 2023, the day Hamas killed and kidnapped hundreds of Israeli civilians and Israel began retaliating against the people of the Gaza Strip.

What has this got to do with TikTok? you ask. Good question. Israel’s defenders in the United States, such as Jonathan Greenblatt of the Anti-Defamation League, are upset that TikTok’s young users are being exposed to what he calls anti-Zionist and anti-Semitic disinformation. “It’s Al Jazeera on steroids,” Greenblatt said on MSNBC. During a leaked phone call, he complained, “We have a TikTok problem,” by which he means a generational problem. Younger people — including younger Jewish people — are appalled at what Israel’s military is doing in Gaza. (To complicate things, it looks like TikTok and Instagram have suppressed pro-Palestinian information.)

Would an American-owned TikTok be easier to control? Experience says yes. Have a look at the Twitter Files, which document how American officials, Chinese-style, pressured social media to censor or suppress dissenting views on important matters such as the COVID-19 response and the 2020 election. A federal judge likened the government’s efforts to the Ministry of Truth in Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four.

Do we want to become more like China?

A final word. Defenders of free speech should not argue that ill-intentioned disinformation and well-intentioned misinformation from any source can cause no harm, broadly defined. Of course, it can. The proper answer to this legitimate concern is that government-produced “safetyism,” placing safety above every other value including freedom, will do more harm than good.

THE ATTEMPT TO BAN TIKTOK IS JUST ANOTHER SECURITY STATE SCAM

There Is A Lesson To Be Gained From The March 2023 Version Of A Tiktok-Related Banning Frenzy, Which Lost Momentum When The Details Of The Main Legislative Proposal Became More Widely Known.

On November 20, 2023, Rep. Cathy McMorris Rodgers (R-WA), chair of the House Energy and Commerce Committee, wrote in a joint letter to the CEO of TikTok that the platform was guilty of “stoking anti-Semitism, support, and sympathy for Hamas” after the October 7th attack on Israel. “This deluge of pro-Hamas content is driving hateful anti-Semitic rhetoric and violent protests on campuses across the country,” McMorris Rodgers charged. A year ago, in March 2023, she had already declared: “TikTok should be banned in the United States of America.”

This week the plan came to fruition, with McMorris Rodgers and her colleagues orchestrating what could be best described as a legislative sneak attack: suddenly the House of Representatives, a notoriously dysfunctional body — particularly this Congressional term, with all the Republican leadership turmoil — took decisive, concerted, expedited action to pass legislation banning TikTok before most of the public would have even gotten a chance to notice. The bill was introduced March 5, 2024, advanced by a unanimous committee vote on March 7, 2024, then approved for final passage March 13, 2024. Almost nothing ever passes Congress at such warp-speed.

McMorris Rodgers facilitated the unanimous 50-0 vote out of the Energy and Commerce committee, a development which took many in DC off-guard, even those keenly attuned to the TikTok policy issue. As someone familiar with the process explained, before introducing the bill, the key sponsors “wanted to keep it quiet all around,” as they correctly surmised that once the details of the bill gained wider public exposure, opposition would mount — just as happened in March 2023 when a precursor bill got derailed after public awareness grew of provisions delegating enormous new powers to the President to control speech online.

This week, last-minute opposition continued to grow even during the final floor debate Wednesday morning, thanks to the quick-thinking of Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY), who organized the opposition and later reported that the number of Republican House members voting no may have tripled as a result of the 40-minute floor debate he triggered — a rarity in the annals of Congress.

Republican opposition was still paltry though — just 15 voted no, compared with 50 Democrats. Even among the few no votes, some, like Matt Gaetz, made sure to clarify that on principle he was totally in favor of banning TikTok — he just objected to the particulars of this bill. The fact that Trump tentatively came out against the bill would also likely have been a factor for Gaetz, who likely would not have been so keen to stake out a different position from Trump on a major national policy issue. Whatever his precise stance, Trump has evidently not taken a major lobbying interest, as he has before with other legislative items. The little he’s said about the TikTok bill has been lukewarm and muddled — which makes sense given that it was Trump who first attempted to ban TikTok by executive fiat in 2020, and got held up by the courts. This current bill enumerates the powers Trump had unsuccessfully sought and codifies them in federal statute as a newly-assigned, discretionary presidential authority.

There is also the issue of what someone said was the “technical assistance” provided by the “Intelligence Community” during the reportedly “quiet” formulation of this bill — led by Rep. Mike Gallagher (R-WI) and Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-IL). The ranking member counterpart of McMorris Rodgers on the Energy and Commerce committee, Frank Pallone (D-NJ), said unnamed members of the so-called Intelligence Community had “asked Congress to give them more authority to act,” and this bill was intended to grant that request. As such, the bill was expressly crafted to enhance the power of the “Intelligence Community” to restrict Americans’ ability to consume and express speech online — as always, in the alleged name of “national security.”

The purveyors of TikTok-related fear within this vaunted “Community of Intelligence” also prefer to keep the underlying evidence for their claims hidden from public view, opting for highly confidential briefings with compliant members of Congress, most of whom emerged from these secret Pow-Wows in the past week excitedly eager to vest the Executive Branch with extensive new powers to Keep Us Safe from designated foreign foes. And not just China, as with the TikTok prohibition — but also an enormous array of other potential “applications,” which encompass everything from mobile apps to websites, that can be claimed as “foreign adversary controlled,” with “adversaries” defined as the standard rival bloc of China, Russia, North Korea, and Iran.

To fight this great civilizational battle against China and its satellite states, the citizens of America must gratefully accept the abridgment of their own speech, and patriotically acquiesce to the government seizing the power to block a massive range of potential online applications and websites, so long as they can be claimed by the President to be “directly or indirectly” controlled by an official foreign adversary. What it means to be “controlled by a foreign adversary” is so malleable per the legislative text that it can include “a person” who is “subject to the direction or control of a foreign person or entity,” whatever that might mean in today’s parlance, when spurious charges of “Russian asset” and “Chinese influence” can be flung left and right like nothing. Given the subjective discretion that would necessarily have to be exercised in the making of such a determination, the president is being vested here with a huge amount of subjective, unilateral discretion.

There is likely a lesson to be gained from the March 2023 version of TikTok-related banning frenzy, which lost momentum when the details of the main legislative proposal became more widely known. Surmising that opposition could very well mount again, the House sponsors decided this time around to preempt the inconvenience of open debate, and hustle through the bill on a “quietly” expedited schedule before the provisions became widely known, which could prompt the always-annoying phenomenon of constituents contacting their representatives to express an opinion on the issue. This deliberate evasion of public scrutiny was unfortunately necessary for national security.

Another running theme in this mad legislative dash is the extent to which the Israel/Gaza war and hysteria over the October 7th attacks was a main driver. In November 2023, Israeli president Isaac Herzog blamed TikTok for “brainwashing” Americans who didn’t understand that Israel was pulverizing Gaza to defend not just Israeli security, but also the freedom of Americans to “enjoy decent, liberal, modern, progressive democratic life.” Apparently this logic would make more sense to people age 18-29 if they didn’t spend so much time on TikTok.

The heads of the Jewish Federations of North America, an agglomeration of American Jewish philanthropic interests, concurred with the need to terminate TikTok in a March 6th letter timed almost perfectly to the bill’s introduction just the previous day. Writing to Rodgers and Pallone, the authors said: “Our community understands that social media is a major driver of the rise in anti-Semitism, and that TikTok is the worst offender by far.”

We have a major, major, major generational problem,” complained Jonathan Greenblatt, head of the Anti-Defamation League, in leaked audio of a private meeting last year. “And so we really have a TikTok problem.”

In this telling, the “TikTok problem” seems to boil down to TikTok’s insufficient alignment with American geopolitical interests, and the inability of the American regime to exert the same coercive pressure on TikTok that it’s been able to exert on the likes of Google, Facebook/Meta, Microsoft, Twitter/X, and so on. TikTok therefore makes for a scapegoat on which to blame the increasingly “anti-Israel” and “pro-Hamas” attitudes of the youth, who supposedly absorb these malign beliefs in between synchronized dance videos, recipe tips, and makeup guides.

While it’s always difficult to assign precise causality in a multi-variable confluence of factors, here’s what we do know. There was a growing clamor to ban TikTok for the past several years. A bicameral legislative push was made almost exactly one year ago, in March 2023, but got derailed after public awareness grew of the main proposal’s speech-curtailing and executive-empowering provisions. Then after October 7th, another round of scapegoating burst onto the scene, with TikTok furiously singled out and blamed by American and Israeli officials for fomenting impermissible discontent with Israel’s war of pulverization against Gaza — the naive youth could only view Israel’s military action in a negative light if they were having their brains nefariously infiltrated by the Chinese Communist Party. Certainly if they watched CNN, MSNBC, or FOX NEWS instead, their brains wouldn’t be turned to microwaved mush, and they’d be super well-informed and not at all propagandized.

China is our enemy, and we need to start acting like it,” blustered Rep. Chip Roy (R-TX) on the floor of the House before the vote this week. “I am proud to partner with Representatives Gallagher and Krishnamoorthi on this bipartisan bill to ban the distribution of TikTok in America.”

You should ask yourself who these politicians really represent.

THE CIA WAS ORDERED BY TRUMP TO USE CHINESE SOCIAL MEDIA TO ATTACK THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT

It Is Unclear What Effect These Operations Had On China Or If President Joe Biden Continued The Operation After Taking Over In 2021 But He Probably Did.

In 2019, former President Donald Trump attempted to turn the tables on China when he ordered the Central Intelligence Agency to launch a campaign against the country’s government through its local social media.

The intelligence agency created a small team of operatives who would use Chinese social media to spread negative narratives about President Xi Jinping and his government, according to Reuters. These operations included criticizing the government as well as leaking disparaging intelligence overseas. For example, the team promoted claims that Chinese Communist Party members were hiding ill-gotten money overseas and alleged that certain projects were corrupt and wasteful.

While the former officials interviewed by Reuters did not provide details about the operations, they said the narratives were based on facts despite being released by intelligence operatives acting under false cover. The goal was to inspire paranoia among Chinese leaders and force them to waste resources chasing intrusions into the tightly controlled Chinese internet, officials said.

The operation was initiated a year after Trump issued secret orders for the CIA to organize a series of covert cyber operations against China, Iran, Russia, and North Korea. These orders gave the intelligence agency more freedom in the cyberoperations it could pursue, cutting back on the restrictions placed on it by past administrations.

A CIA spokesperson declined to comment on the operation. However, a spokesperson for China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that the operation showed that the American government used “public opinion space and media platforms as weapons to spread false information and manipulate international public opinion.”

It is unclear what effect these operations had on China or if President Joe Biden continued the operation after taking over in 2021.

THE PENTAGON ATTEMPTED TO HIDE THE PURCHASE OF AMERICAN’S PRIVATE DATA WITHOUT A WARRANT

American Spy Agencies Purchased Phone Location Data And Internet Data Without A Warrant But Only Admitted It After The Appointment Of New NSA Director Was Blocked.

The American regime fought to conceal details of arrangements between it’s spy agencies and private companies tracking the whereabouts of Americans via their cell phones. Obtaining location data from phones normally requires a warrant, but police and intelligence agencies routinely pay companies instead for the data, effectively circumventing the courts and the constitution.

Ron Wyden, the senator from Oregon, informed the nation’s intelligence chief, Avril Haines, on Thursday that the Pentagon only agreed to release details about the data purchases, which had always been unclassified, after Wyden hindered the Senate’s efforts to appoint a new director of the National Security Agency. “The secrecy around data purchases was amplified,” Wyden wrote, “because intelligence agencies have sought to keep the American people in the dark.”

Wyden’s office says it’s been investigating sales of location data to the government for years, uncovering multiple ties between the Department of Defense and what the senator refers to as “shady companies” committing “flagrant violations” of people’s privacy. The companies’ practices are “not just unethical, but illegal,” he says.

Pentagon offices known to have purchased location data from these companies include the Defense Intelligence Agency and the NSA, among others. Wyden’s letter, first reported by The New York Times, indicates that the NSA is also “buying Americans’ domestic internet metadata.”

Wyden’s disclosure comes amid a fight in the House of Representatives over efforts to outlaw the purchases entirely. Last month, members of the House Judiciary Committee attached legislation doing so, known as the Fourth Amendment Is Not For Sale Act, to a bill reauthorizing a contentious surveillance program known as Section 702.

The bill, originally coauthored by Wyden, nearly received a vote last month during a showdown with rival legislation introduced by the House Intelligence Committee that does not seek to ban the purchases. Congressional sources said the vote was called off at the last minute after Biden regime officials and members of the intelligence committee staged a campaign against the privacy-enhancing measures.

Intelligence officials in the House held separate meetings with members and their aides aiming to discourage support for the judiciary bill—the Protect Liberty Act—alleging that new warrant requirements would be overly burdensome for law enforcement, despite a slew of exemptions for cyberwarfare, terrorism, and espionage threats.

Six sources who attended the meetings told WIRED that intelligence committee members used images of Hamas militants in presentations to drive home its argument for relaxing limits on domestic surveillance. The message, Republican aides said, was, “it could happen here.” Three Democrats who attended meetings with representatives from the FBI, CIA, and NSA, among other agencies, described the presentation as a “scare tactic.”

The home surveillance debate, which has exploded in recent months, hampering the passing of routine legislation, has largely focused on Section 702, an authority under which the government monitors the calls, texts, and emails of foreign nationals. Section 702 is set to expire in under four months.

Both the Protect Liberty Act and its intelligence committee rival—the FISA Reform and Reauthorization Act—aim to reauthorize Section 702 into the future. In how that’s accomplished the bills are radically different. With access by the FBI to foreign intelligence for domestic investigations being the biggest point of contention, federal lawmakers can now effectively be divided into two factions: people who support surveillance warrants and people who don’t.

The pro-warrant Protect Liberty Act could receive a vote as early as next month, with its provisions banning the government from buying data as a means of evading warrant requirements. Republicans on the Hill say they can’t be sure whether House Speaker Mike Johnson will allow a vote, however, due to the intense amount of pressure he faces from the intelligence system.

There is a lot of baloney going around about surveillance reform,” Wyden says. “Probably because some surveillance supporters are worried they won’t win an honest debate.” Please, note that constitutional protections are not discussed in the debate because the constitution no longer effectively exists.

AMERICA’S FAILED HYPERSONIC MISSILE TEST SHOWS WASHINGTON IS OUTGUNNED BY BEIJING

The Recent Test Failure Of America’s Cutting-Edge Hypersonic Missile System Is Worse Than They’re Letting On Because It Is Impractical And Virtually Useless.

The recent test failure of America’s cutting-edge hypersonic missile system is worse than they’re letting on. The American weapon, while technologically impressive, is impractical and virtually useless on a modern battlefield.

The announcement could not come at a worse time for the United States – on the heels of media reports about the successful Chinese test of a hypervelocity vehicle – the American Air Force announced that a planned test of America’s own hypervelocity weapon failed because a booster rocket carrying a hypersonic glide body failed to launch. While this failure served to provide embarrassing headlines, the small print in the Air Force press statement pointed to a different reality. “The booster stack used in the test was not part of the hypersonic program,” the Air Force declared, “and is not related to the Common Hypersonic Glide Body. The missile booster is used for testing purposes only.”

In short, there was no failure of the hypervelocity weapon itself, simply supporting technology that had nothing whatsoever to do with the overall viability of the American program. Indeed, just prior to the failed Air Force test, the Navy conducted a series of successful tests which “demonstrated advanced hypersonic technologies, capabilities, and prototype systems in a realistic operating environment.”

The reality is that the American hypervelocity weapon is on track to be deployed as early as 2023. The core of this weapon is the unpowered Common-Hypersonic Glide Body(C-HGB), capable of flying at speeds more than Mach 5 (five times the speed of sound, or 3,836 miles per hour) at ranges greater than 1,700 miles. The C-HGB has been successfully tested on numerous occasions, impacting within six inches of its desired target. The Department of Defense is seeking to deploy at least two variants of the C-HGB, a ground-launched version to be used by the Army, and a sea-launched version for the US Navy. What differentiates the two systems is the method of initial launch.

As things stand, it looks like the Army will field a hypervelocity weapon before the Navy does. The Army’s version, known as ‘Dark Eagle’, is in the final stages of development and an Army artillery unit stationed at Joint Base Lewis-McChord in Washington State has already begun taking possession of the missile launchers and other support equipment. Training will shortly begin on perfecting the tactics, techniques, and procedures used to employ the missile in real-world scenarios. The Army will be employing ‘Dark Eagle’ in artillery batteries of four launchers each, with each launcher carrying two missiles. The launchers and missiles are designed to be transported on board Air Force aircraft such as the C-17 and C-130, both of which are capable of operations on unimproved landing strips, enabling ‘Dark Eagle’ to be rapidly deployed to remote locations throughout the Pacific.

It is an open secret that ‘Dark Eagle’ is intended to be used against the Chinese threat. While the underlying hypervelocity technology may be sound, the concept of operations behind its employment leave much to be desired. Missiles don’t magically arrive at their target on their own. The purpose of the ‘Dark Eagle’ system, according to the US Army, is “to defeat time-critical, heavily defended, and high-value targets,” taking advantage of its high speed to “engage fleeting targets.” The task of providing command and control for ‘Dark Eagle’ operations falls to the Battery Operations Center, equipped with an AFATDS (Advanced Field Artillery Tactical Data System) which “prioritizes targets received from various sensors and performs attack analysis using situational data combined with commander’s guidance” to provide “timely, accurate and coordinated fire support options” against “preplanned and time-sensitive targets.”

The key aspect here are the “various sensors” used to collect the data necessary to guide the ‘Dark Eagle’ to its target. According to the Pentagon’s developing war plan against China, set forth in what is known as the Pacific Deterrence Initiative, or PDI, hypersonic missiles like the ‘Dark Eagle’ system are expected to play a central role in any conflict with China. The PDI calls for significant investments in the kind of specialized sensors necessary to make ‘Dark Eagle’ a viable weapons system, including $2.3 billion to launch “a constellation of space-based radars (SBR) with rapid revisit rates” and $206 million for “specialized manned aircraft to provide discrete, multi-source intelligence collection requirements.”

SBRs would provide continuous surveillance of surface mobile targets using ground moving target indicator capabilities like those found on the Global Hawk drone currently operated by the Air Force. SBRs can be deployed in either low earth orbit (LEO) or mid-earth orbit (MEO) modes of operation. Depending on the mode of employment chosen, the size of the antenna used on an SBR could range from nearly 60 meters in length to over 320 meters – in short, the SBR is, itself, a very large target.

Taking out an SBR ‘constellation’ would be no problem for existing Chinese anti-satellite capabilities, built around the SC-19 anti-satellite weapons. The SC-19 is carried on several dedicated DF-21 mobile missile batteries. The DF-21, a medium-range ballistic missile, would loft the SC-19 into space, where it would maneuver toward its target – in this case, the very large and vulnerable SBR – and destroy it by ramming into it. If the SBR constellation is taken out, the Dark Eagle has no eyes – it becomes little more than expensive junk deployed somewhere in the Pacific.

The ‘specialized manned aircraft’ mentioned in the PDI is most likely a reference to an upgraded version of the existing E-8 JSTARS (Joint Surveillance Target Attack Radar System) that will remain in service until the Air Force can field its follow-on Advanced Battlefield Management System, or ABMS. ABMS recognizes the lethality of the modern battlefield, and the risks associated in relying upon a single, vulnerable mode of information collection, such as the SBR, by employing a “system of systems” of aircraft such as MQ-9 drones, space assets, an “attritable layer” composed of cheap unmanned aerial vehicles that can readily be replaced.

Dark Eagle’, however, will enter operation in 2023, long before the Air Force ABMS even gets off the drawing board, let alone deployed as a viable combat system. The upgraded JSTARS will serve as the primary air-breathing (i.e., non-satellite) target acquisition and battlefield management system used to support ‘Dark Eagle’ operations. While JSTARS may have a successful track record operating in low- or no-threat environments such as Iraq and Afghanistan, its survivability factor in any modern combat environment is nil. One only need look at the fate of the Global Hawk drone shot down by Iran over the Strait of Hormuz to comprehend what would happen to the JSTARS in a contested environment such as would be expected in any confrontation between America and China.

The Navy plans on deploying its hypervelocity weapon, known as the Conventional Prompt Strike (CPS) weapon, on board select destroyers in 2025, and submarines in 2028. The CPS, like ‘Dark Eagle’, will be limited by its ability to receive and process real-time target intelligence. This, more than any technological shortcomings in American hypervelocity weapon technology, is the Achilles heel of the American hypervelocity weapons program – the gulf between technological capabilities and practical applications is so broad as to make the weapon virtually useless against a peer-level foe like China and Russia, and the cost of the weapon makes it impractical to use against lesser potential opponents, such as Iran, Syria, and non-state terrorist actors. The American hypervelocity weapon, whether deployed as the ‘Dark Eagle’ or CPS, will more than likely remain a hangar-queen, something that looks good in peacetime, but which cannot measure up to the realities of modern war.

RUSSIA’S CHECKMATE FIGHTER PUTS IT WAY AHEAD IN THE GAME

Russia Spends About 12 Cents On Its Military Industry For Every Dollar The American Regime Spends.

The annual MAKS aerospace show kicked off its 2021 installment at Zhukovsky Airport outside Moscow – not with a bang, but with multiple bangs.

MAKS – whose name is an acronym for the Russian mouthful Mezhdunarodnyj aviatsionno-kosmiches, literally international aviation and space show – is famous for showing off the latest hits in aerospace and defense technology from major Russian and foreign companies.

The lands of Islam would not have failed to notice that President Vladimir Putin’s welcoming address fell exactly on Eid al-Adha – and the president made sure to note, in a nod to ethnic integration, that 20% of Russian aviation industry employees are Muslims.

The undisputed star of MAKS 2021 was Checkmate, concisely described by military analyst Oleg Panteleev as a single-engine, 5G light tactical fighter – and teased before the official presentation with a slick, Hollywood-style ad tailored for global customers (UAE, India, Vietnam, Argentina).

Checkmate is already being hailed across the Global South as the new epitome of lethal beauty – like the aerial equivalent of a pair of Louboutin pumps. It will probably be known by the less sexy denomination Su-75: after all, Checkmate belongs to the Sukhoi family.

The CEO of Rostec’s United Aircraft Corporation (UAC), Yuri Slyusar, says that production of Checkmate will start in 2026, after a series of complex tests. There is a full presentation (in Russian), where you could learn that Checkmate “can carry up to five air-to-air missiles of various ranges in its top version,” including the entire spectrum of 5G missiles.

This means that Checkmate can carry all weapons deployed by the Su-57 jet fighter – another star of MAKS 2021. Slyusar explained that Checkmate’s design was based on the Su-57.

The Sukhoi Su-57 – which made an exhibition flight at MAKS – is a fifth-generation multi-role fighter conceived to raise hell against all types of air, ground and naval targets.

The Su-57 features stealth technology utilizing a vast array of composite materials; reaches supersonic cruising speed; and comes with a very powerful onboard computer – described as an “electronic second pilot” – and a radar system spread across its body.

Weapons export firm Rosoboronexport, via its CEO Alexander Mikheyev, says five nations are already interested in buying the Su-57.

NO HANGAR QUEEN

Yet the first day at MAKS was all about Checkmate. Military analyst Andrei Martyanov, in his inimitable style, summed it all up: “This Checkmate or, if you wish, Su-75 is not a hangar queen and is designed for battle and, in the end, it is Su-57 Lite and a platform (I stress it – platform) which gives birth to very many other variants of this aircraft. Do not also forget that Su-57 will also be offered for export.”

Checkmate, according to chief designer Mikhail Strelets, essentially has a single engine with a deflected thrust vector; goes supersonic for a long time; and has a shortened take-off and landing compared with the Su-57. The West will be uncomfortable when it comes to further comparisons between Checkmate’s efficiency and that of the not exactly brilliant F-35.

Some of Checkmate’s most important features, according to UAC, include: flying at high altitude in all kinds of weather; modularity; simplified maintenance and operations; post-sale support; “good transportation capability” (range and endurance); “AI support for combat missions”; “low flight hour cost and large payload”; and, most important of all for international clients, good value for money.

Oh yes: there will be an unmanned “variant.” UAC is already working on it.

In parallel to MAKS, the Russians also conducted another test of the S-500 “Prometheus” missile system, which for all practical purposes is beyond any competition in terms of intercepting the whole range of current – and even future – air and space attack at top altitudes and speeds.

For years, Martyanov has been writing in detail about the whole process in his books and articles.

Quantum Bird, a top physicist from the CERN in Geneva, says that “with Prometheus getting online, NATO gets the worst-case scenario vis-a-vis Russia: NATO attacking missiles getting intercepted even before leaving their territory, with Russia’s retaliatory response getting there before or together with the interceptors. Prometheus can also handle inconvenient low-orbit spy satellites NATO likes to fly over Russia.”

One day before the start of MAKS, Russia also test-fired the Tsirkon hypersonic missile, launched from the frigate Admiral of the Fleet of the Soviet Union Gorshkov in the White Sea, at Mach 7, against a ground target 350 km away in the coast of the Barents Sea. The Russian Defense Ministry said the missile hit “a bullseye.” Tsirkon hypersonic missiles will be equipping Russian submarines and warships.

The 3M22 Tsirkon/3M22 Zircon (NATO reporting name: SS-N-33) is a scramjet-powered maneuvering hypersonic cruise missile being developed by Russia. Credit: Handout.

Martyanov concisely explains the “secret” – which is no secret – of all these technological advances: “It is like milking a productive cow – once you have a great healthy cow, you just take care of it and milk it. Same here, but you need to make the right strategic decisions, which consider all trends. That is how you get S-500, Zircon, Su-57 and this new one. Chinese aircraft will not be able to compete with Su-75 in former Soviet markets and the F-35 is not a competitor to it at the international level. In a sense, it is a checkmate.”

For denizens of America’s Thinktankland, already losing sleep over Su-35s, S-400 missile systems and silent submarines, what the future is bringing is extra insomnia over hypersonic missiles, the S-500 Prometheus and an array of early warning systems and radars.

Russia spends on its military industry roughly 12 cents for every dollar America spends. The practical result is that the Beltway is consistently out-planned, out-designed and out-gunned.

HYPERSONIC MISSILES ARE THE REAL GAME CHANGERS

The American Regime Is Now Crying ‘Uncle’ About Russia’s Hypersonic Weapons. Here Is A Technical Look At The Science Behind The Headlines.

After the most recent flight test of the scramjet-powered Zircon cruise missile, the Washington Post on July 11 carried a Nato statement of complaint:

“Russia’s new hypersonic missiles are highly destabilizing and pose significant risks to security and stability across the Euro-Atlantic area,” the statement said.

At the same time, talks have begun on the ‘strategic dialog’ between America and Russia, as agreed at the June 16 Geneva Summit of the two presidents. The two sides had already agreed to extend the START treaty on strategic weapons that has been in effect for a decade, but, notably, it was the American side that initiated the summit—perhaps spurred by the deployment of the hypersonic, intercontinental-range Avangard missile back in 2019, when American weapons inspectors were present, as per START, to inspect the Avangard as it was lowered into its missile silos.

But what exactly is a hypersonic missile—and why is it suddenly such a big deal?

We all remember when Vladimir Putin announced these wonder weapons in his March 2018 address to his nation [and the world]. The response from the American media was loud guffaws about ‘CGI’ cartoons and Russian ‘wishcasting.’ Well, neither Nato nor the Biden team are guffawing now. Like the five stages of grief, the initial denial phase has slowly given way to acceptance of reality—as Russia continues deploying already operational missiles, like the Avangard and the air-launched Kinzhal, now in Syria, as well as finishing up successful state trials of the Zircon, which is to be operationally deployed aboard surface ships and submarines, starting in early 2022. And in fact, there are a whole slew of new Russian hypersonic missiles in the pipeline, some of them much smaller and able to be carried by ordinary fighter jets, like the Gremlin aka GZUR.

The word hypersonic itself means a flight regime above the speed of Mach 5. That is simple enough, but it is not only about speed. More important is the ability to MANEUVER at those high speeds, in order to avoid being shot down by the opponent’s air defenses. A ballistic missile can go much faster—an ICBM flies at about 6 to 7 km/s, which is about 15,000 mph, about M 25 high in the atmosphere. [Mach number varies with temperature, so it is not an absolute measure of speed. The same 15,000 mph would only equal M 20 at sea level, where the temperature is higher and the speed of sound is also higher.]

But a ballistic missile flies on a straightforward trajectory, just like a bullet fired from a barrel of a gun—it cannot change direction at all, hence the word ballistic.

This means that ballistic missiles can, in theory, be tracked by radar and shot down with an interceptor missile. It should be noted here that even this is a very tough task, despite the straight-line ballistic trajectory. Such an interception has never been demonstrated in combat, not even with intermediate-range ballistic missiles [IRBMs], of the kind that the DPRK fired off numerous times, sailing above the heads of the American Pacific Fleet in the Sea of Japan, consisting of over a dozen Aegis-class Ballistic Missile Defense ships, designed specifically for the very purpose of shooting down IRBMs.

Such an interception would have been a historic demonstration of military technology—on the level of the shock and awe of Hiroshima! But no interception was ever attempted by those ‘ballistic missile defense’ ships, spectating as they were, right under the flight paths of the North Korean rockets!

The bottom line is that hitting even a straight-line ballistic missile has never been successfully demonstrated in actual practice. It is a very hard thing to do.

Consider that a modern combat rifle with a high-velocity cartridge can fire a bullet at a speed of about 1,200 meters per second [1.2 km/s]. That is barely one fifth the speed of an ICBM warhead, and only about half the speed of a short or intermediate-range ballistic missile. Clearly, intercepting anything that flies double or even five times the speed of a rifle bullet is going to be a daunting task. [Note from our previous discussion on the space race and the technicalities of orbital flight, that the ICBM does not reach orbital velocity, but flies on a suborbital trajectory—although it does exit the atmosphere].

Between the two, speed and maneuvering, the latter is much more effective in evading defensive interception.

We know this from many actual battlefield results. When the American launched large salvoes of subsonic Tomahawk cruise missiles at Syria in 2017 and again in 2018, a number of them were intercepted by Syrian air defenses. But not nearly all. Many did get through despite the T-Hawk’s relatively slow speed of about 500 mph, which is only about M 0.7. But the cruise missile’s ability to fly low to the ground and maneuver in flight, changing direction constantly, make it a tough target to hit. Likewise in the Falklands War, the Argentines used subsonic and fairly short-range, French-made Exocet sea-skimming cruise missiles to sink several large British warships, including a then-state-of-the-art Royal Navy destroyer, HMS Sheffield.

Even bird hunters know this, and will use a shotgun that scatters many pellets over a wide area rather than a bullet-firing rifle to take down slow-flying, but maneuvering, land and waterfowl! Obviously, if you combine high speed WITH maneuvering, you will have a missile that is going to be very difficult to stop. [If not impossible, with something like the Avangard, which reaches ICBM speeds of up to M 25!].

But let’s lower our sights a little from ICBMs and IRBMs [and even subsonic cruise missiles] to a quite ancient missile technology, the Soviet-era Scud, first introduced into service in 1957! A recent case with a Houthi Scud missile fired at Saudi Arabia in December 2017 shows just how difficult missile interception really is:

At around 9 p.m…a loud bang shook the domestic terminal at Riyadh’s King Khalid International Airport.

There was an explosion at the airport,’ a man said in a video taken moments after the bang. He and others rushed to the windows as emergency vehicles streamed onto the runway.

Another video, taken from the tarmac, shows the emergency vehicles at the end of the runway. Just beyond them is a plume of smoke, confirming the blast and indicating a likely point of impact.

The Houthi missile, identified as an Iranian-made Burqan-2 [a copy of a North Korean Scud, itself a copy of a Chinese copy of the original Russian Scud from the 1960s], flew over 600 miles before hitting the Riyadh international airport. The American-made Patriot missile defense system fired FIVE interceptor shots at the missile—all of them missed!

Laura Grego, a missile expert at the Union of Concerned Scientists, expressed alarm that Saudi defense batteries had fired five times at the incoming missile.

You shoot five times at this missile and they all miss? That’s shocking,’ she said. ‘That’s shocking because this system is supposed to work.’

Ms Grego knows what she’s talking about—she holds a physics doctorate from Caltech and has worked in missile technology for many years. Not surprisingly, American officials first claimed the Patriot missiles had done their job and shot the Scud down. This was convincingly debunked in the extensive expert analysis that ran in the NYT: Did American Missile Defense Fail in Saudi Arabia?

This was not the first time that Patriot ‘missile defense’ against this supposedly obsolete missile failed spectacularly:

On February 25, 1991, an Iraqi Scud hit the barracks in Dharan, Saudi Arabia, killing 28 soldiers from the U.S. Army’s 14’th Quartermaster Detachment.

A government investigation revealed that the failed intercept at Dhahran had been caused by a software error in the system’s handling of timestamps. The Patriot missile battery at Dhahran had been in operation for 100 hours, by which time the system’s internal clock had drifted by one-third of a second. Due to the missile’s speed this was equivalent to a miss distance of 600 meters.

Whether this explanation is factual or not, the Americans’ initial claims of wild success in downing nearly all of the 80 Iraqi Scuds launched, was debunked by MIT physicist Theodore Postol, who concluded that no missiles were in fact intercepted!

As the missile experts in the NYT point out:

Shooting down Scud missiles is difficult, and governments have wrongly claimed success against them in the past.

Governments have overstated the effectiveness of missile defenses in the past, including against Scuds. During the first Gulf War, the United States claimed a near-perfect record in shooting down Iraqi variants of the Scud. Subsequent analyses found that nearly all the interceptions had failed.

Why is shooting down Scuds so difficult? Because this was arguably the world’s first hypersonic missile [it flies at M 5 and does MANEUVER]!

If we take a closer look at this missile, we see that it is propelled nearly throughout its entire flight. This is the key. The warhead only separates from the missile body a few miles [mere seconds], before reaching its target. That missile body contains a means for maneuvering the missile, by means of thrust vector—using graphite paddles that move into and out of the rocket engine exhaust stream, as seen here. So it will be jinking and jibing as it enters the terminal phase of flight—making it a very hard target to radar track and shoot down!

Once the warhead separates, the spent missile body falls harmlessly to the ground, as it did just outside the Riyadh airport, landing on a nearby street. It is this now uselessly falling body that could be locked onto by air defense radars and hit by interceptor missiles—while the warhead itself sails unobstructed overhead.

The only real problem with those ancient Scuds was their accuracy. They could be off by hundreds of meters. But of course, accuracy and missile guidance systems have come a long way since then. The modern successor to the Scud, the Russian truck-launched Iskander, has an accuracy of about 5 meters! It too, is really a hypersonic missile that reaches M 7, but has a range of only 500 km—which was dictated by the now-defunct INF treaty, from which the Trump administration unilaterally withdrew.

The Russian Iskander-M cruises at hypersonic speed of 2,100–2,600 m/s [Mach 6–7] at a height of 50 km. The Iskander-M weighs 4,615 kg carries a warhead of 710–800 kg, has a range of 480 km and achieves a CEP [circular error probable] of 5–7 meters. During flight it can maneuver at different altitudes and trajectories to evade anti-ballistic missiles.

Iskander is generally described, at least in the west, as a ‘quasi-ballistic’ missile. But ‘quasi’ or not, America considers the Iskander a very dangerous weapon, and a type of weapon which it does not yet possess. In fact, America ’ attempts to develop its very first hypersonic missile have been rather slow out of the blocks. Its first flight test attempt with the proposed Lockheed-Martin AGM183 [aka ARRW] in April of this year, did not even manage to release the rocket from the wing of the B52 carrier! The second attempt, on July 29, managed to get the rocket to release, but the engine failed to fire!

Clearly America is many years away from fielding a working hypersonic missile. These early tests were only supposed to test the rocket, and carried a dummy ‘glide vehicle’ which is supposed to separate from the rocket once it reaches a speed of about M 6 or so, and then glide to its target while maneuvering.

The prototype missile would carry a frangible surrogate for that [glide] vehicle that would disintegrate after release.

However, it is unclear how an unpowered gliding body is going to accomplish aerodynamic maneuvering INSIDE the atmosphere. The concept of boost-glide, which is used by Avangard, works by hoisting the glide vehicle up above the atmosphere, at ICBM speed, where the ‘glider’ can then skip off the upper layers of the atmosphere like a flat pebble skipping over the surface of a still pond.

The overall flight range of AGM183 is a claimed 1,000 miles [1,600 km]. Clearly such a short-range missile, and reaching a speed of only about M 8 at most [based on statements of reaching its target in a flight time of 10 to 12 minutes] is not going to be able to use the boost-glide means of maneuvering, which requires exiting the atmosphere.

THE TECHNICAL DEEP DIVE (If you are not inclined to follow technical details jump to the conclusions.)

So let’s look at Russian hypersonic technology in a little more detail, so that we may understand more than just what the technically-challenged media are telling us. From what the Russian military has already fielded, we can see that hypersonic missiles come in all shapes and sizes. Some, like Avangard, are launched by powerful ICBM rockets and have ICBM-like striking range. Others, like Zircon, are more like a Tomahawk or Kalibr cruise missile, powered by an air-breathing engine, and able to aerodynamically maneuver throughout their flight to the target—but flying about ten times faster.

Others, like Kinzhal, which appears to be an evolution of the Iskander [itself an evolution of the Scud] are powered by relatively small rockets and are designed to maneuver gas-dynamically [thrust vectoring], again, during all phases of flight, right up to the target.

These are the three primary types for purposes of basic classification. They all fly very fast [up to M 25 for Avangard], but they use different propulsion systems, and different means of maneuvering. Let’s begin with the Kinzhal, since we already understand the basics of how a Scud or Iskander works. In the case of Kinzhal, it is launched from a very high speed and height by a MiG31 interceptor aircraft, which is designed to fly up to 1,500 km at a cruising speed of M 2.4, at a height of about 20 km.

By carrying even an unmodified Iskander up to this speed and height, its range could easily double, to about 1,000 km—since the rocket chemical energy required to reach that height and speed would be saved, and could be expended on increasing its flight range.

The range given for Kinzhal is 2,000 km, but it is not clear if that includes the flight range of the MiG31 carrier aircraft. My guess would be that it does. The MiG has a combat radius of over 700 km at its M 2.4 cruise speed. That means that after release, the Kinzhal would need to fly for about 1,300 km before hitting its target—for an overall system range of 2,000 km. In fact, the MiG could fly a significant portion of its flight subsonically, saving fuel, and accelerate up to supersonic cruise speed, or even its top speed of M 2.8, only in the last couple of hundred km, before launching Kinzhal. It would then circle back and return to base subsonically again. This would increase range even more.

Either way, it is a safe bet that the overall range to a target, say a American aircraft carrier, from the takeoff point of the MiG [now deployed in Syria], is realistically going to be no less than the stated 2,000 km, if not more. This is certainly a game-changer for American naval dominance! Carrier-based aircraft would have no chance to fly far enough from their floating airfield to intercept a MiG31 launching a Kinzhal at 1,000 km or more distance from the ship. The F/A-18 has a combat radius for air-to-air missions of only 740 km. Obviously, it is not going to be able to reach the MiG launching from outside of 1,000 km.

Now let us look at the Zircon cruise missile that Nato is complaining about. So far, this missile has been successfully test-flown at target distances of up to about 450 km. The Russian MoD says its range is actually in excess of 1,000 km, and that flight tests to maximum range will be forthcoming.

This too is a game-changer. The Zircon will be carried by Russia’s new class of surface warships in the frigate or ‘small destroyer’ size, as well as on the new Yasen-class cruise missile nuclear subs that are now coming into service. These state-of-the-art subs will also carry subsonic Kalibr cruise missiles with a maximum range of 4,500 km! Combined with the air-launched Kinzhal, the American Navy will face some very stiff challenges—from the air, from the sea, and even from under the sea. It should be noted that both the Zircon and Kinzhal are not exclusively anti-ship missiles. They can just as readily target land objects, including Nato command and control centers—which Putin has said Russia will do, in the event of any kind of western aggression!

But Zircon is also a technological tour de force. The unique feature of the Zircon is its scramjet engine. This is the first time that the world has a production engine of this type—something which has long been a goal for both America and Russia.

Not surprisingly, the Russians flew the world’s first scramjet prototype back in 1991—the Kholod, which means ‘cold’ in Russian. Remarkably, in the Yeltsin détente atmosphere of the early nineties, the Russian developers of the world’s first functional scramjet engine, the Central Institute of Aviation Motors [CIAM] invited Nasa to participate in the flight tests at the Sary Shagan test range in Kazakhstan. The results were published in the American professional literature, here, and here.

But despite this technology boost from Russia, America has not been able to keep up. Its experiments with scramjet engines, although wildly hyped in the media, have been dormant for several years. It appears that America has given up on the idea of building a working scramjet engine for the time being—much as they gave up, decades ago, on the idea of building a closed-cycle rocket engine, having deemed the technology ‘impossible.’

So what is a scramjet engine anyway? To fully understand this, let’s first look at how a turbojet engine works. Here is a picture that is worth a thousand words. Air enters the front of the engine and is then compressed by a number of rotating blades on a series of wheels, similar to a fan or propeller. The compressed air is then passed into the burner, or combustion chamber, where fuel is squirted in and the result is a high temperature and high-pressure gas that then drives the turbine wheels—which are bladed in a way similar to the compressor wheels up front.

The turbine wheels and compressor are on a single shaft and rotate at the same speed—so it is the energy of the gas driving the turbines, that drives the compressors. The remaining energy in the gas is squeezed out through a nozzle, which accelerates the gas flow, which, in turn, creates thrust—on the principle of Newton’s Third Law, action-reaction. The force of the fast-moving mass flow of gas out the nozzle, must be compensated by a REACTION force in the opposite direction [forward thrust], as per the conservation of momentum principle. Hence all jet engines, whether air-breathing or rocket, are called reaction engines.

[Incidentally, the heart of any liquid-fuel rocket engine is a turbopump, which is basically a gas turbine engine. It has a burner, where some amount of the fuel and oxidizer are burned, supplying gas to drive a turbine wheel or wheels, which then drive two ‘compressor’ pumps [also wheels], that pressurize the oxidizer and fuel, which is then delivered to the main combustion chamber under great pressure.]

Now what happens when you want to go very fast with a turbojet engine? Well, you basically hit a wall, due to the physics of airflow]. The faster you go, the greater the ram pressure on the front of the engine. This ram pressure [technically called dynamic pressure, or ‘Q’] is like kinetic energy—it increases by the square of speed. [KE = M x V^2 / 2; Q = rho x V^2 / 2; they are the same except mass is replaced by density, rho, since we are dealing with a flowing fluid instead of a solid particle!]

In simple terms, dynamic pressure [aka ram pressure] is what you feel on your hand when you stick your hand out the window of your car while driving on the highway.

The results of this quadratic pressure rise with speed are profound! At a typical passenger jet cruise speed of 450 knots, or M 0.8, the pressure increase from ram effect, at the front of the engine fan, is about 1.5. Also, the engine inlet must SLOW the airflow down to about M 0.5, so that the rotating blades can work efficiently.

If you increase flight speed to M 2, the pressure rise at the engine face due to ram effect is seven-fold! At this speed, you don’t even need a compressor or turbines.

This is the idea of the ramjet engine—you need no moving parts, just an air inlet that is designed to slow down the airflow to below sonic velocity, turning kinetic energy into pressure energy. The combustion chamber is simply a pipe with fuel squirters, where that compressed air is burned with fuel, and then expelled through a nozzle, exactly as on the turbojet. In fact the afterburner on supersonic fighter jets works exactly like a ramjet engine—fuel is squirted in and combusts with air that was used for cooling the combustion chamber walls upstream [only a small amount of air is burned in a turbojet engine, with air to fuel ratios of over 50, compared to about 15 for a car engine.] An illustration of an afterburner shows the simple basic geometry.

But the ramjet hits a speed limit too, just like the turbojet. In both cases it has to do with the falling efficiency of the engine inlet at higher speeds: more of the kinetic energy of the high-speed airflow is converted into heat, rather than usable pressure. In a turbojet, the heat limit is reached by about Mach 3, when the heat of that incoming air exceeds the materials limit of the compressor blades. In the ramjet, eliminating those unneeded blades and all the other moving parts raises the temperature limit to a much higher value—so flight up to about Mach 5 is possible.

Above those speeds, the Ramjet faces a different kind of problem. As flight speeds continue to increase, the efficiency of turning that kinetic energy into pressure continues to decrease steeply. This pressure loss is due to a series of shockwaves generated by slowing down the airflow in the engine inlet passage, upstream of the combustion chamber. The biggest shockwave and biggest pressure loss happens when the flow finally transitions to below sonic velocity. This is called the normal shockwave, because it is perpendicular [normal] to the inlet wall, as seen in this illustration of a supersonic inlet and its shockwaves.

So the speed limit comes because most of that ram pressure is not recoverable—it is simply dissipated into heat by the inlet shockwaves.

Enter the scramjet. Here, the flow is never actually slowed to below sonic velocity. That’s why it’s called a SCramjet, for supersonic combustion—the airflow through the combustion chamber is well above Mach 1, perhaps closer to Mach 2. By comparison, the flow in a turbojet enters the burner at just M 0.2, ten times slower—and in the afterburner and ramjet, it is about M 0.5.

This solves the speed limit issue of not having any more pressure energy available. But it comes with HUGE challenges. At a flight speed of M 6 or 7, the craft is moving at a speed of about 2,000 m/s. The main challenge is the flame front speed of combustion. Even if it took only one hundredth of a second to combust the air-fuel mixture, it would require a combustion chamber 20 meters long! That is hardly practical of course, but is in line with the flame propagation speed of aviation kerosene. That is why the afterburner jetpipes on supersonic aircraft are several meters long.

So we see that each type of airbreathing engine, turbojet, ramjet and scramjet, has its own speed limit, as shown graphically here. Even the scramjet will run into a wall at some point. The vertical measure is specific impulse [ISP], which is engine efficiency, per mass of fuel burned. We see that ISP decreases the faster we go, in any type of engine—it simply means that fuel use rises much faster than flight speed!

But back to the main challenge of the scramjet, which is flame speed. This is strictly a limit of the chemical physics of fuel combustion. Hydrogen burns ten times as fast as kerosene, but is not a practical fuel—it must be cooled to near absolute zero to be liquid, and so is not storable, and cannot be launched at will without time-consuming fueling. All of the previous scramjet experimental prototypes, both American and Russian, used cryogenic liquid hydrogen fuel. But the Zircon uses a kerosene-based fuel innovation that the Russians call Detsilin-M.

The exact means by which the Russians have achieved this fuel chemistry is of course a tightly held secret, but it is clearly a remarkable breakthrough in chemical engineering—comparable to the breakthrough in materials science that led to the closed-cycle, oxygen-rich staged combustion rocket engine in the 1960s [which America still has not demonstrated].

In a previous discussion here, the technically-inclined commenter and longtime gyroplane pilot PeterAU1, dug up some interesting material about ‘doping’ kerosene with certain additives to enhance flame front speed. But the technicalities of that subject are beyond the scope of this relatively brief introductory discussion. [Although I’m sure we may hear more in the comments section!]

CONCLUSIONS:

The bottom line is that the Zircon represents not only a formidable and very deadly weapon—but it is indicative of the engineering capabilities of the Russian aerospace industry. It is an impressive achievement that is in fact groundbreaking. As mentioned already, Zircon is only the beginning of scramjet engine use by the Russian military. The next generation of such missiles, like the already mentioned Gremlin, will be even smaller and more capable in range and speed. At some point in the future, we may even see scramjet engines on superfast civil aircraft—but that is probably a long way off yet.

An even bigger engineering accomplishment is the astonishing Avangard boost-glide vehicle. But I will leave that remarkable story for another discussion.

The bottom line is that these new Russian technologies are in fact tilting the global military balance going forward. They are game-changing because they are UNSTOPPABLE with today’s air defense technology. Just like the Plains Indians couldn’t hope to stop, with their bows and arrows, the American cavalry with their repeating rifles.

Even more profound may be the psychological effect that Russia’s engineering accomplishments must be exerting on the American psyche, which is used to assuming that they have the smartest engineers and make the best military hardware.

That is demonstrably NOT the case anymore.

And that may be the biggest game-changer of all!

STANDING BACK AND WATCHING CHINA IS AMERICA’S SUICIDE MISSION

Technological Advance In China Is Rapid, Broad In Scope And, One Might Suppose (Incorrectly), Of Interest To America.

It is also easily discovered. Subscriptions are not all that expensive to Asia Times, NikkeiAsia, the South China Morning Post, and Aviation Week. The web is awash in tech sites covering everything from operating systems for smartphones to quantum computing. Reading of Chinese efforts, one gets a sense of motion, agility, vitality remarkable in a nation that in 1976, when Mao died, was the poorest nation on earth. America maintains a lead in many things, but seems to be almost asleep and resting on scientific virtuosity that is now lacking.

We hope the snippets below will give a sense of this. In many of the fields involved, such as quantum computing and fusion research, we are not capable of judging their merit, but when they appear in internationally respected journals of physics, they are clearly being taken seriously by those who are competent.

  • China to Build World’s First Modular Mini-Reactor “Linglong One is a pressurized water reactor with a capacity of 125 MW – the first small commercial onshore modular reactor or SMR to be constructed in the world. After being launched, the SMR will be able to generate enough power to meet the energy demands of approximately 526,000 households annually.”
  • China maintains ‘artificial sun’ at 120 million Celsius for over 100 seconds, setting new world record

 

Another step in the quest for fusion power. Other countries, including America, are working on this, but there was a time when the US would have been the clear leader. Times change.

  • BBC: China’s Chang-e Five Mission returns lunar samples

This was a sophisticated, automated endeavor involving a lunar orbiter, a lander that collected samples, a unit that took the samples back to the orbiter, and a return vehicle that parachuted into Mongolia. It was nontrivial engineering. And: It worked. Note how quickly this and the achievements mentioned in the following have come.

  • Chinese Mars Rover Begins Roaming the Red Planet “China’s Mars rover drove from its landing platform and began exploring the surface on Saturday, state-run Xinhua news agency said, making the country only the second nation to land and operate a rover on the Red Planet.”

Very impressive, like beating Murphy’s Law in straight sets. First, it was an orbiter, circling Mars and doing orbiter things. Second, a lander. Third, a rover. Americans are ahead still in some respects, but not by much. The riveting thing is how fast the Chinese are catching up.

  • Chinese Astronauts Enter Space Station “Chinese astronauts floated into the country’s new Tiangong space station Thursday, becoming the first people to board China’s outpost in orbit after a successful launch from a military base in the Gobi Desert to start a three-month mission.”

When the International Space Station was being fomented, the Chinese wanted to take part. America blocked them. So they built their own. The ISS is to be decommissioned in a few years, presumably leaving China as having the only functioning space station. It is notable that all of these off-earth efforts, to include the placing of a lander on the dark side of the moon, have worked.

  • China begins construction of its fifth rocket launch site “BEIJING (Reuters) – A port city in eastern China has launched an ambitious plan to build the country’s fifth rocket launch site, under a longer-term goal to ramp up space infrastructure to meet the demands of an expected boom in commercial missions.”

Why can the Chinese do all of these things at once? Because they have money and many smart engineers. Why do they have money? Because they make stuff and sell it. America doesn’t have money because it spends it all on aircraft carriers, and doesn’t make stuff because it sent its factories to…China. Why doesn’t America have more and better engineers? Because it has a far smaller base of STEM-capable young and because it is dumbing down its schools and universities for the gratification of unproductive minorities. Whose fault is all of this? Why…China’s. Who could doubt it?

  • City Journal: “Identity politics has engulfed the humanities and social sciences on American campuses; now it is taking over the hard sciences. The STEM fields—science, technology, engineering, and math—are under attack for being insufficiently “diverse.” The pressure to increase the representation of females, blacks, and Hispanics comes from the federal government, university administrators, and scientific societies themselves. That pressure is changing how science is taught and how scientific qualifications are evaluated. The results will be disastrous for scientific innovation and for American competitiveness”

     

  • Physics.org: Chinese achieve new milestone with 56 qubit computer “A team of researchers affiliated with multiple institutions in China, working at the University of Science and Technology of China, has achieved another milestone in the development of a usable quantum computer.”

Not to worry. They can’t innovate.

  • The world’s first 100,000-ton deep-sea semi-submersible oil production and storage platform, China’s self-developed “Deep Sea No 1” energy station, has successfully completed installation of all equipment and is expected to start production at the end of June, China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) said on Saturday.

Self-developed.

  • California unveils new woke math program, encouraging teachers to punish good students by holding them back ”Such an effort would involve faculty holding well-performing students back, even while pushing their less intellectual peers forward (as if they were all indeed equal in abilities). Potentially stranding a group of gifted individuals in a situation where they are held back by a single child who simply can’t get a problem right and needs endless special instruction is hardly something to be proud of….”

Stupidity beyond a certain point becomes entertaining.

  • China Launches Largest Self-Built Shield tunneling machine with adorable ‘panda’ outfit

The machine has a diameter of 12.79 meters and weighs 3,000 tons. It will be used in the construction of Jinxiu Tunnel, an essential component of the highspeed railway from Chengdu to Zigong in Southwest China’s Sichuan Province, which is known for being a home to pandas.”

The panda is hokey, and we don’t know how the beast compares with Western versions but China won’t be buying these things in the West.

The Tech War

The “tech war” is not a competition of technological prowess between China and America, but an attempt by America to strangle China’s tech advance by denying it access to it. But China has been actively developing a substitute. The action is largely in the trenches, out of sight of the public. But the Chinese are winning because they have engaged in serious intellectual development within their population, while America has done just the opposite by dumbing down the cattle.

As can be seen from the above examples China is not loosing the tech war but is clearly winning it big time.